MEETING # 1575
NOVEMBER 7, 1996
Morris S. Dees:
With Liberty and Justice for All
by the Rev. George E. Riday Ph.D.
Assembly Room, A. K. Smiley Public
BIOGRAPHY OF THE AUTHOR
George E. Riday was born in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania in 1912.
Following graduation from Eastern College and Eastern Baptist Theological Seminary, he
served as a minister of churches in New Jersey. During World War II he served as a
chaplain in the United States Army for five years. Three of those years were spent in
North Africa, Sicily, the Normandy Invasion and through Europe until the end of the war.
His Master degree was earned at Wayne State University and his Ph.D. at the University of
Michigan. He taught psychology at San Bernardino Valley College, the American Baptist
Seminary of the West, and was a member of the psychology staff at Patton State Hospital.
He served as adjunct professor at the University of Redlands and the Department of
Psychiatry at Loma Linda University School of Medicine. He is retired and active in
Morris S. Dees, a lawyer in Montgomery, Alabama, is the co-founder
along with Joe Levin, another attorney, of the Southern Poverty Law Center. The Law
Center, started in 1971, is dedicated to assisting the poor and disenfranchised by making
legal expertise available. Mr. Dees and his staff have had many threats hurled upon them
for their courageous opposition to the Ku Klux Klan and related white supremacist groups.
Three projects the Law Center spends much of its time and resources on are: Klanwatch, The
Militia Movement and Teaching Tolerance. The first of these keeps track of the activities
of the KKK and prosecutes when feasible; the second, The Militia Movement, monitors one
actions of civilian groups, many of which are preparing , for armed resistance against the
federal government; the third thrust is an educational one titled Teaching Tolerance is
designed to provide schools and other organizations with printed and video material which
promote understanding of, and appreciation for those whose race, ethnic background, and
religion differ from their own.
Morris S. Dees:
With Liberty and Justice for All
Are you familiar with the name, Morris S. Dees? Morris Dees
lives with his wife, Elizabeth, on a farm in Mathews, Alabama. They have four children,
Morris III, a physician, and John and Blake who are in the construction business. Their
daughter, Ellie has a Master degree in Art Education. '
Morris was born in 1936 on a farm in Shorter, Alabama. His
father was a farmer and cotton gin operator. During Morris' high school years, he was
engrossed in agriculture with a skill and enthusiasm that resulted in his being named Star
Farmer of Alabama by Alabama Future Farmers of America.
Mr. Dees attended undergraduate school at the University of
Alabama where he founded a nation-wide direct mail sales company specializing in book
publishing. Following his graduation from the University of Alabama School of Law in 1960,
he settled in Montgomery, Alabama, where he opened a law office, but still continued his
mail order business. The direct mail order business, Fuller and Dees Marketing Group grew
to be one of the largest publishing companies in the South. The company pioneered in
selling by direct mail much needed sex-education books for children. The company's New
Horizon division published the nation's first aerospace encyclopedia in conjunction with
the National Aeronautical and Space Administration and the Smithsonian Institution. In
1969, Mr. Dees sold the company to Times Mirror, the parent company of the Los Angeles
Times. In recognition of his publishing endeavor and his effort to challenge and
encourage young people to become active in the business world, Mr. Dees was dubbed by the
United States Jaycees as one of the Ten Outstanding Young Men of America in 1966.
As a young attorney, Morris Dees became intensely concerned
about many rampant injustices. He determined to provide legal aid to minorities and those
living in poverty. During the years, the cause of the downtrodden and the disenfranchised
has been his ruling passion. His endeavors have not gone unnoticed. He has received
honorary degrees and other distinguished acclaim from many institutions, a few of which
are the University of San Diego School of Law, Wesleyan University, Howard University,
University of Pennsylvania School of Law, the Martin Luther King, Jr., Memorial Award
presented by the National Education Association, and Young Lawyers Distinguished Service
Award, American Bar Association. He has been a Visiting Instructor at the John F. Kennedy
School of Government at Harvard University for five years. Mr. Dees has authored Hate
on Trial, A Season for Justice, and co-authored three other books on legal matters.
Julian Bond, currently the Distinguished Adjunct Professor
of Government at American University in Washington, D.C., back in 1971 was asked by Morris
Dees to meet with him in order to talk about an organization Dees was interested in
starting. He inquired ~ whether or not Julian Bond would like to have some part in it.
Bond said, "I remember being taken with him--here was this white Alabaman setting up
a civil rights firm. I remember asking myself, 'Why is he interested in doing this?"'
Bond went on to say that Dees was compelling and convincing, and whatever hesitation he
had quickly went away. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 had
been passed and upheld on appeal. Lawyers were needed who would file the cases that would
implement these laws. At the time, most lawyers were reluctant to take on civil rights
cases. They didn't pay well, if at all, and the community reaction often meant the
attorney, if in private practice, lost a considerable number of clients. So, Morris
proposed setting up a center dedicated to enlisting the services of lawyers determined to
see that civil rights laws were implemented. Julian Bond became the first president of the
On a cold winter's day in January, 1971, Morris Dees and
Joe Levin, a fellow attorney who also shared a commitment to racial equality and
opportunity for minorities and the poor, opened what was to be called the Southern Poverty
Law Center. The Center began with some old furniture, one typewriter, a line of back
credit and no donors. But they did have a few civil rights cases inherited from their
private practices. Dees stated he was able to work without pay for a few years because of
past investments, but Joe was a young lawyer with a wife and two small children, and no
Enthusiasm for the Civil Rights Movement had lost much of
its steam. Many lawyers who had helped in the early suits for racial justice had gone back
North. A backlash was developing against gains made by minorities. Riots in Newark and
Watts had not engendered favorable feelings toward civil rights initiatives. Apparently, a
bad time had been chosen to start a new organization.
Dees remembered the first time he sent letters asking for
financial support: it was on behalf of a black man charged with capital murder in the
death of a white school teacher. The trial judge had pronounced the man "probably
guilty" before the trial began, a comment carried in bold headlines in the Montgomery
Advertiser. The story had been copied and sent with letters asking for help from
people on a mailing list provided by national groups altruistic in their goals. In a few
days, the first Center donor sent a gift of $15. Morris is still typing on the same Smith
Corona manual typewriter used to compose that first appeal, but just about everything else
has changed. By 1996, the Center had over 290,000 donors who contributed more than $14
million in a single year to support a wide range of exciting programs never dreamed of in
1971. Over the years, many supporters have consistently remarked,
"We know more about what our money goes for than any
other group we assist. We read your letters and material because they tell us in simple,
compelling terms what you are doing. We applaud your frugal operation which has allowed
you to build an endowment for the future."
A splendid tribute to the integrity of Mr. Dees and his
staff. He writes,
"Some things have changed; others have not. I have a
computer sitting behind my desk that I am trying to learn to use, we have 55 devoted
employees, and we have a dedicated group of donors willing to be part of our dream."
Not all is sweetness and light at the Center. On July 28,
1983, Mamie Jackson, an employee of the Center, was abruptly awakened at 4:00 a.m. It was
her sister-in-law who was on duty at the Montgomery Police Station. "The Law Center
is on fire," she shouted. Jackson arrived at the blazing building a few minutes
later. Firefighters were vigorously trying to save the building, but it was beyond
redemption. There was extensive damage to the legal and Klanwatch offices. Fortunately,
the fireproof files had done their job; crucial information concerning the Ku Klux Klan
had been preserved. The arsonists had pulled out legal files, doused them with gasoline
and set them on fire.
Though the fire was a serious setback, legal and
investigative work was not disrupted. Crucial court documents were prepared in attorneys'
homes within two days after the fire. From makeshift offices, staffers continued working
on lawsuits, monitoring the Klan and publishing the Poverty Law Report. A building
fund was established and a new, more secure headquarters was designed. In the spring of
1984, ground was broken for the new headquarters.
An extensive investigation was undertaken which discovered
a shocking scenario. The arsonists had crawled through the sewers and emerged through a
manhole near the Center. They had broken a window, entered the building and poured
gasoline everywhere and then ignited it and fled. More than a year after the Center fire,
three men were arrested. All three were members of the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan and
were charged with arson and with the possession of explosives. All three pleaded guilty
and spent time in prison.
An integral part of the Southern Poverty Law Center's
headquarters is an impressive Civil Rights Memorial, designed by architect and artist Maya
Lin, who at the age of 21 designed the Vietnam Veterans Memorial.
Of all the Center's activities and programs there are three
that are outstanding: KLANWATCH, THE MILITIA MOVEMENT, and the educational program
What is KLANWATCH? In 1979, Curtis Robinson, a black man,
shot a Ku Klux Klansman in self-defense during an attack on peaceful civil rights marchers
in Decatur, Alabama. When Robinson was convicted by an al all white jury of assault with
intent to murder, the Law Center appealed the conviction and brought its first civil suit
against the Klan. The trial brought to light the extent to which the Klan had rebounded
after its decline in the 1960s. Scores of cross burnings, beatings, shootings, and other
attacks against blacks occurred between 1978 and 1980, and in only a few cases were there
arrests and prosecutions. The attitude of many in positions of authority suggested that if
the problem were to be ignored, maybe it would disappear. This view was considered as
naive by the Southern Poverty Law Center, which felt that action must be taken immediately
against the Klan before the situation grew worse. This decision led to the creation of
Klanwatch, which began to bring civil suits against white supremacist groups for their
participation in hate crimes. Over the next 12 years, judgments were brought against 37
individuals and 7 major white supremacist organizations.
Today, Klanwatch is the nation's most comprehensive source
of information on hate groups. The project's files possess 15,000 photographs and 57,000
documented reports of bias incidents. This information is shared with local and state law
enforcement agencies. It is also sent to the offices of the FBI, the Bureau of Alcohol,
Tobacco and Firearms, the Department of Justice, and Congress. Dick Thornburgh, former
Attorney General has stated,
"I am particularly grateful for the cooperation
extended Lathe Center to the Civil Rights Division of the U.S. Department of Justice
during my tenure at Attorney General. Your support of our efforts in the prosecution of
hate crimes and in other civil rights initiatives was most productive."
In the aftermath of the bombing of the federal building in
Oklahoma City in April 1995, Klanwatch fielded hundreds of requests for information about
militia groups and their leaders. In 1989, as a result of Klanwatch's investigative
activity, the Center filed suit against Tom Metzger, who lived near San Diego, and his
neo-Nazi White Aryan Resistance after three skinheads beat an Ethiopian immigrant student
to death by clobbering him with a baseball bat. The Center contended that the murder was a
direct result of the training and direction that an agent for Metzger had given the
skinheads, with Metzger's full approval. In 1990, a Portland jury agreed and assessed
damages of $12.5 million, the largest in Oregon's history.
Nineteen-year-old Michael Donald was on his way to the
store when two members of the United Klans of America abducted him, beat him, cut his
throat and hung his body from a tree on a residential street. The two Klansmen who carried
out the ritualistic killing were eventually arrested and convicted. Their case would have
ended there but for Klanwatch.
Convinced that the Klan should be held responsible, Center
attorneys filed a civil suit on behalf of Donald's mother. The Center won a historic $7
million verdict against the United Klans and all the Klansmen who played a part in the
The main purpose of Klanwatch is to track hate crimes and
white supremacist activity. But the group also offers educational and training programs to
help police and human rights groups combat organized racism.
It publishes and sends to over 6,000 law enforcement
agencies the bimonthly Intelligence Report, which contains information about hate
Klanwatch has produced an educational film, The Klan: A Legacy of Hate in America. It
was nominated for an Academy Award and is widely shown in schools, churches, and other
The second emphasis of the Center I would like to present
is the Militia Movement. Well before the Oklahoma City bombing, Klanwatch picked up
warning signals that violence directed at the federal government by persons associated
with the militia movement might occur. Klanwatch detected strategic links between various
militia groups and white supremacist organizations and leaders. This investigation and
analysis prompted the Center to establish the Militia Task Force in October of 1994. At
that time, Morris Dees, Chief Trial Counsel, wrote a letter to Attorney General Janet
Reno, and the Attorneys General of six states describing the "mixture of armed groups
and those who hate" as a "recipe for disaster."
At a Klanwatch-sponsored conference on militia in March
1995, a group of law enforcement domestic terrorist experts from around the country met to
assess the threat posed by the growing militia movement and formulate strategies to
address this threat. In February 1996, the Militia Task Force identified 447 Patriot
groups active in 50 states, and found that 42 of these groups had racist ties. Another 158
militia support groups (which generate and distribute militia propaganda, but do not
conduct paramilitary exercises) were documented, 29 of them with racist ties. It is the
Center's opinion that the Oklahoma City bombing was an act of domestic terrorism connected
to the more extreme antigovernment militia.
Two events mark the beginning of today's militia movement.
The first was a 1992 raid by federal agents at white separatist Randy Weaver's Ruby Ridge
cabin in Idaho. The second was the 1993 government siege at the Branch Davidian compound
near Waco, Texas.
It was something that didn't happen that sparked the
militia movement and set into motion a chain of events that is still unfolding. In
February 1991, Randy Weaver didn't appear for his trial on felony charges of selling two
sawed-off shotguns to an informant for the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms.
Instead, he, his wife Vicki, their son, two daughters, and a family friend, retreated to a
cabin atop Ruby Ridge, Idaho. They had plenty of food, weapons, and ammunition.
The Weavers embraced the Israel Message of Christian
Identity. That message professes that white people are the true Israelites and that Jews
and people of color are respectively, "children of Satan" and "the beasts
of the field." It further maintains that America is the New Jerusalem and that the
Constitution was derived from the Bible and given to the white Christian Founding Fathers
by God. The Weavers never referred to God, because it is "dog" spelled
backwards. God was called by the Hebrew name "Yahweh." The Israel Message
teaches that only white Christian men are true sovereign citizens of the United States.
Through Christian Identity, the Weavers learned that the income tax was unconstitutional
and desegregation of the public schools was an effort to encourage interracial marriage.
They believed that the federal government was controlled by a Jewish-led conspiracy of
bankers who used the Internal Revenue Service and the Federal Reserve Board to manipulate
the economy for personal gain. The same group, they were told, was tightening its grip on
the news media, the courts, and the economy to hasten a one-world government that would
one day enslave all white Christians. One can readily understand their antagonism toward
For 17 months, the United States Marshals Service kept a
watchful eye on the Weavers. Then one day it happened: gunfire was the communication of
exchange. Randy's son, Sam, and Vicki, Weaver's 43year-old wife, were shot and killed. The
FBI sharpshooter who killed her said the shot was intended for one of the men who stood in
the doorway where Vicki was holding the door open for her husband and the family friend.
Both Harris, the family friend, and Randy Weaver were wounded. A deputy marshal was also
killed in the exchange of fire. The next day, the government officers attempted to
negotiate with Weaver, but he refused to speak to them. However, on August 31, 1992, Randy
Weaver surrendered to authorities.
As can be easily imagined, news of the incident at Ruby
Ridge rapidly spread among others who were disgruntled with the United States government.
Members of a group known as the White Patriot Movement, who were so disenchanted by what
they thought of our government ought to be, decided they would have nothing to do with it.
They chose to live "off the grid"--no electricity, no sewage lines, no
telephones--and as far from a population center as they could get. Some renounced all
contracts with government by tearing up their drivers licenses, Social Security cards,
marriage licenses, birth certificates, and hunting licenses. Some in the movement embrace
racism and anti-Semitism. Some stockpile weapons and explosives and train themselves and
their recruits in the use of them. To those in the Patriot movement, the siege at Ruby
Ridge wasn't just an attempt to arrest one man. Rather, it was an attack on a way of life
and the U.S. Constitution. It was a sign of just how far the federal government--no longer
of the people, by the people, and for the people--would go to impose its tyranny upon
Pastor Pete Peters is the spiritual leader of Christian
Identity. This "religion" holds as its basic beliefs that Jews are spawn of Adam
and Eve, that blacks and other minorities are subhuman "mud people," that Aryans
and not Jews are the true chosen people of God, and that a great race war will result in
the extermination of all Jews and minorities. Peters believed the event at Ruby Ridge
served as a turning point for the Patriot movement, and he was not alone in that belief.
Chris Temple, a writer for The Jubilee, a major Christian Identity newspaper, said, "All of us in our groups...could not have done in the next twenty years what the
federals did for our cause in eleven days in Idaho." He encouraged all white
supremacists to bury their differences and unite in their opposition to the federal
Within days of Weaver's surrender to authorities, Peters
sent letters to a broad spectrum of conservative writers, leaders, and ministers, inviting
them to the resort town of Estes Park, Colorado for a conference that would confront the
injustice and tyranny manifested in the killing of Vicki Weaver and her son, Samuel. He
even invited U.S. Attorney General William Barr to attend and explain the government's
actions at Ruby Ridge. Barr declined the invitation. So did many others. Among those who
did attend was Louis Beam who gave the keynote address.
Morris Dees states that Louis Beam was a man he knew very
well. More than a decade earlier, Beam had actually challenged Dees to an old- fashioned
duel--no seconds, no FBI agents, no judges--just the two of them-man-to-man--Morris could
chose the weapons--two of them walk into the woods, one walks out.
"'If you are the despicable, low-down, vile poltroon I
think you are, you will of course decline, in which case my original supposition will have
been proven correct and your lack of character verified,' Beam wrote in a letter that
arrived in my office by certified mail in January 1983. 'If, on the other hand, you agree
to meet me, you will raise immeasurably the esteem others hold you in. Imagine:
acquaintances, associates, supporters, friends, family--your mother--think of her; why I
can just see her now, her heart bursting with pride as you, for the first time in your
life, exhibit the qualifies of a man and march off to the field of honor. (Every mother
has the right to be proud of her son once.) You will be worse than a coward if you deny
her this most basic of rights. Think of her.''In closing, let me make it clear that I
believe you so base a coward that you will be too timid to even place a pen in hand to
answer this letter, for I know a craven anti-Christ Jew when I have seen him. Here's your
chance to prove me wrong."' Beam is not physically imposing. He stands about 5 feet
seven inches, weighs about 130 pounds and sports a BORN TO LOSE tattoo on his upper left
Beam preached that the only race capable of governing the
United States is the white race. Never should a black man, a yellow man, or a brown man
rule a white man. He looked forward to the day when open warfare would break out. He saw
the resulting chaos as a perfect opportunity for him and his Klan militia, the Texas
Emergency Reserve, to wrest control of the country from the conspirators and return it to
the white majority.
"We intend to purge this land of every nonwhite
person, idea, and influence," he vowed. "There should be no doubt that all means
short of armed conflict have been exhausted. We'll set up our own state here in Texas and
announce to all minorities that they have 24 hours to leave. Lots of them won't believe us
when we say we'll get rid of them, so we'll have to exterminate a lot of them the first
Twice Morris Dees had done battle with Beam; not in the
woods but in the courtroom. And twice did he defeat Louis Beam. Dees believes the
embarrassment of legal defeat in his own backyard of Texas motivated the challenge to a
literal duel. Beam and members of his Texas Emergency Reserve mounted a terror campaign
against Vietnamese immigrants and their families who were operating shrimp boats out of
Galveston Bay. It would be to him what the American Patriots were in 1776: the opening
salvo to start the American Revolution. The campaign opened with the burning of an old
shrimp boat with the words "USS VIETCONG" painted on its hull, as an example of
what would happen if the Vietnamese entered Galveston Bay on May 15, 1981, the opening day
of shrimping season. Two crosses were burned on the property of Vietnamese fishermen.
Threatening phone calls were made to those who rented dock space to the Vietnamese and to
those who did business with the refugees. More terrorist antics were perpetrated by men
dressed in the hooded garb of the Klan. When Morris Dees and his staff learned of these
attacks on the Vietnamese, he realized he had to take on the key man, Louis Beam. Dees
"Soon after we filed suit on behalf of the Vietnamese
Fishermen's Association, we were informed by its leaders that their people were so
frightened by the Klan's activities that they had decided against the legal action. The
Vietnamese elders ordered the fishermen to sell their boats and give up fishing. I was
stunned, but wasn't ready to accept defeat. I asked for a meeting with the association's
elders. There I apologized for the way they were treated by my fellow Americans, outlined
our legal strategy, and urged them to stand up to Beam and his bullies since the
harassment would continue. The elders reversed their decision and we sought an injunction
against Beam and his men that would forbid them from interfering with the Vietnamese
fishermen. The day before the start of the shrimping season, a federal judge granted the
injunction. The next morning, some of the other lawyers involved in the lawsuit and I
watched the Vietnamese bless their fleet and enter Galveston Bay. I was never more proud
to be a lawyer.
One can readily see how the militia movement would appeal
to Louis Beam and how he would be considered one of their true leaders. Time does riot
permit me to list and describe the unbelievable action of other so-called Patriots, but
one other does deserve ignominious mention. His name is William Pierce. He is the most
articulate strategist in the Patriot movement.
This former college professor of physics heads the National
Alliance out of Hillsboro, West Virginia. His radio show, "American Dissident
Voices" claims an audience of 100,000 listeners. He encourages his National Alliance
members to join militia nationwide. Pierce is unapologetically racist and anti-Semitic. He
"The New World Order is a utopian system in which the
United States economy will be globalized; the wage levels of all American and European
workers will be brought down to those workers in the Third World; national boundaries will
cease to exist; an increased flow of Third World immigrants into the United States and
Europe will have produced a nonwhite majority everywhere in the formerly white areas of
the world. "The New World Order conspiracy," Pierce wrote, "is led by the
Jewish stringpullers aiming at world domination for themselves and their kind."
Pierce is well known for his book The Turner Diaries, which
he wrote under his pen name, Andrew Macdonald. The book chronicles in graphic detail the
violent overthrow of the federal government by white revolutionaries. In 1980, a white
supremacist underground movement used The Turner Diaries as a blueprint for a
series of activities including bank robberies, armored car robberies, murders and
counterfeiting. Pierce's book was also favorite reading for Timothy Mc Veigh, charged in
the Oklahoma City bombing. There are striking parallels between that bombing and a bombing
described in Pierce's book. Shortly after the bombing, Me Veigh reportedly made a
telephone call to Pierce's private number.
Morris Dee's Southern Poverty Law Center had learned that
there was an increase in hate crimes among our youth. Through the Law Center's landmark
cases, powerful messages have gone to organized white supremacist groups. However, Law
Center officials realized that court victories alone would do little to change the
underlying attitudes at the root of hate in America. By the fall of 1990, racial and
ethnic strife in communities across the nation was increasing. Nearly half of all the hate
crimes were committed by youth under the age of 21. Nearly four out of ten young people
polled admitted they would participate in or silently support racial incidents. Thus far,
this doesn't sound happy or encouraging. Be patient.
Now for the encouraging word: After researching existing
educational needs and strategies, Center officials recognized that there was an alarming
lack of classroom resources to promote intergroup harmony. Most disturbingly, there was no
single resource to help teachers learn of available materials and techniques designed to
promote understanding. Determined to fill that void, the Law Center founded TEACHING
TOLERANCE in 1991 to develop and distribute top-quality, free educational material to
hundreds of thousands of teachers. Morris Dees' earlier experience in the publishing
business was tremendously helpful. TEACHING TOLERANCE materials are based on lessons
learned from many years of research in human relations education. The research indicated
that the best techniques do not seek to indoctrinate, but are rooted in the shared values
of democracy, fairness and respect for individual worth. In January 1992, the free
semiannual magazine Teaching Tolerance began to fill the resource gap for
individual teachers¾ showing them the variety of approaches that are working in American
classrooms and providing them with a forum for exchanging ideas.
"Teaching tolerance is not a new endeavor," wrote
Sara Bullard in the first issue of the magazine. "Every teacher with more than one
student has striven for harmony in the classroom. Certainly this task becomes more
complicated as the nation and the classroom grow more diverse. But the basic goal remains
the same: to care about all of our children, and to help them care about each other."
The magazine now goes out to more than 150,000 educators
twice a year. The first two TEACHING TOLERANCE videos and texts, America's Civil Rights
Movement, and The Shadow of Hate, are used in more than 50,000 schools. The
magazine and curriculum kits are used in all 50 states and many foreign countries. In
1995, the video portion of America's Civil Rights Movement won an Academy Award for
Best Short Documentary; and the TEACHING TOLERANCE project was honored with the first
annual Family Life Award from Family Life magazine,
for its contribution to the lives of children and families in the United States.
This fall the Southern Poverty Law Center is sending, free
of charge, a series of eight full-color posters to educators. A study guide included with
the posters suggests activities that allow students at all levels to explore the themes of
justice, peace, tolerance and unity. Class discussions, writing and research exercises, as
well as music and art activities will center around the eight posters.
Morris Dees is the driving force and inspiration behind
this genuinely American organization that truly seeks "liberty and justice for
all." I experience a sense of disappointment when I mention his name and someone
says, "Who's he?" I believe he is eminently worth knowing and supporting.
Dees, Morris S. Gathering Storm. Harper Collin Publishers, Inc. 1996.
Southern Poverty Law Center. Montgomery, Alabama. 1996.
SPLC Report. 25th Anniversary Issue, Montgomery, Alabama. 1996.
False Patriots: The Threat of Antigovernment Extremists.
Montgomery, Alabama. 1996.
Klanwatch Intelligence Report.
May and August, 1996.
Teaching Tolerance. Spring,